ट्य्या…. गर्दै कुदिरहेका दुईपाङ्ग्रेहरूको बिचमा, एउटा मोटरमा गीत घन्किरहेको थियो। कोलाहल र सङ्गीतको पनि कस्तो मिठो समायोजन, सायद गठबन्धनले पो हो कि। यस्तो चर्को घाममा त्यो भिडमा त्यत्रा मान्छे कसरी जान सकेका? सायद घामकै न्यानोपनले पो हो कि। होइन, युवा जोश पनि त हुन सक्छ। यी कुरा मेरो दिमाखमा दौँडिरहँदा म भने आफ्नै धुुनमा बिस्तारै हिँड्दै थिएँ। एक्कासी एउटा भ्यान रफ्तारमा कुद्यो, जसको एउटा भागमा महासङ्ग्राम भनेर लेखिएको थियो। सायद कुनै टि.भी. च्यानलको भ्यान होला। साँच्ची, यो त महासङ्ग्राम महिना पो त।
अत्यन्तै पृथक। पाँच वर्षमा एक पटक मात्र आउने महिना; महासङ्ग्राम महिना; हाँसो र रोदन एकसाथ बोकेर आँउछ। उम्मेदवारका मुहारमा मुस्कानका छिटा भने टिकट नपाएका प्रत्यासीका आँखामा आँशुका थोपा; क्या गज्जबको। यो महिनामा त लाग्छ सबथोक हुन्छ; चाडपर्व,भोजभतेर, घुमघाम, चलखेल, आदि। गलाभरि थेग्नै नसक्ने माला, वरिपरि थुप्रो मान्छे, छेऊमा बाजा। यो मैले कतै देखेको परिवेश हो। सुरूमा त सोँचे हैन कार्त्तिकमा कसको बिहे हुन आँटेछ? पछि पो चाल पाएँ, यो त महासङ्ग्राम महिना पो त। यो महिना छ नै यस्तो; द्वन्द्धकालदेखी राजसत्तासम्मको झल्को दिन्छ, साह्रै अचम्मको पनि; नेताले दु:ख र जनताले सुख पाउने पनि यहीँ महिनामा मात्र त हो।
पाँच वर्ष पहिले महासङ्ग्राम महिना र रामे एकसाथ अलप भए। यो महिना त फेरी फर्क्यो तर उसलाई भने त बिरामी देशको अर्थतन्त्र उकास्नै फुर्सद छैन। यस्ता रामे त लाखौँ छन् रे। रेलसँगै कुदेका सपनाले आज ३ कि.मि.को दूरीमा ६ वटा पार्टी कार्यालय भेट्छ तर अहँ अस्पताल, विद्यालय, विकास केही भेट्दैन। यी बिचमा के भएनन्? सिटामोलको अभावमा कतिका ज्यान बिलाए भने मलकै कारण कति बारी बाँझै पल्टिए। हाँस्यास्पद कुरा त अझ बहुमतको सरकार पाँच वर्षसमेत टिकेन, स्वास्थमन्त्रीलाई जनताभन्दा पाहुनाको चिन्ताले सतायो। त्यो महासङ्ग्राम महिना पछि त देशलाई राहुले नै छोएछ क्यारे,धन्नै टाट पल्टेको देश त। मैले सुनेको त, संविधान पनि मिचे रे अनि फेरी देश बेच्न समेत तम्सिए रे। यस्तै समस्यामा पिल्सिएका जनताको आवाज मैले एउटा गीतमा भेटेँ:
यो कस्तो मौनता हो बोल्दैन कोही किन?
यो कस्तो निन्द्रा हो जाग्दैन कोही किन?
कस्तो रोग हो यो?
साँच्ची नै नेपाल आमालाई सन्चो छैन। प्राकृतिक विपद् त कहिलेकाहीँ मात्र हो यहाँ, यहाँ त आमाको काखलाई नै लात हानिरहेका छन् कपुतहरूले। सिद्धान्त र विचारलाई पैतालाले टेकेर कुर्सीको लडाईँमा व्यस्त छन् लाज पचेकाहरू। कोही कोही जनता त नेताभन्दा कमका छैनन्; यिनीहरूले त जातको नाममा प्रेमको परिभाषा नै परिवर्तन गर्दिए, विचराको ज्यान पनि गएछ। दाइजोका नाममा बुद्धिजीविले बुद्धिको प्रयोग गर्न भुलेछन्। यो महासङ्ग्राम महिना पछि यो सब केेही नभइदियोस् है। राहु तिमी पनि जाऊ ल,नत्र त नेपाल आमा मर्छिन् होला।
यसपालिको महासङ्ग्राम महिनाको केही कुरा गरिहालौँ: माहोल सारै गरम छ। गुञ्जयमान् छन् सहरहरू भने गाँउगाँउमा दौडको प्रतिस्पर्धा चलिरहेछ। प्रचारप्रसार र प्रलोभनको खेतीमा कतिका धान काट्ने क्षणिक खेताला पनि भेटिए। महासङ्ग्राम महिना भएरै त होला, आजभोलि त सँधै एक्लै हुने आमाका हातहरू नमस्कार फर्काउँदा फर्काउँदै थाकिसके। ठूलाबुबा पनि बिहानै गोरू धपाउँदै बारी पुगिहाल्छन्, कोही उम्मेदवार आइ पो हाल्छ कि जोत्दिनी भन्दै। ठूल्यामा त झन् कुन चाहीँ स्वतन्त्र उम्मेदवारको प्रचारप्रसार समितिको सह-व्यावस्थापक रे, गाँस टिप्ने फुर्सद छैन, उहाँलाई। साँच्चै ,पाँच जनालाई ढुङ्गाले हान्दा एकजना त उम्मेदवार पर्छ भनेको सुन्दा हो कि झैँ पो लाग्यो। ५६४० जना त प्रत्यक्ष तर्फका उम्मेदवार मात्र रहेछन्, प्रतिनिधि र प्रदेश सभा गरेर। यति हुदाँ पनि एकदुई क्षेत्रमा त प्रतिस्पर्धी नभएकै कारण सांसद पट्काइसकेछन्। यो महिनाको अर्को विशेषता भनौँ, प्रमुख बुलेटिन महासङ्ग्रामकै समाचारले खचाखच भरिएका छन्। मतदान केन्द्र पुग्न ५ घण्टाको पैदल यात्रा, अपाङ्ग, वृद्धवृद्धा मतदानको अधिकारबाट वञ्चित हुनसक्ने। यो खबर सुन्दा मन त एकछिन गद् गद् भयो; आफैँले नगरेको विकासले आफैँलाई पिरल्ने भयो भन्दै। तर फेरि एकछिनमै अमिलो भयो सद्दे युवक कान्छा दाइलाई सम्झेर; “त्यत्रो बाटो हिँडेर को जाओस्? बेकारमा भोट हाल्न,ह्या जान्न म त।” कुल मतदाताको झण्डै ४४ लाख मतदाता कम छन् भन्ने त थाहा छ तर खै कति प्रतिशत मत खस्ने हो यसपालि? बडो जान्ने हतार छ। यो महिनाको विशेष समय त यसमा लाग्ने मेला हो। खास यो मेला नभएर जनभेला चाहिँ हो, क्यारे। एकजना हेलिकप्टर लिएर बिरामी लिन गएछन्। क्या राम्रो सुनिएको है, वास्तवमा उनी त भोट माग्न गएका रहेछन्, अनि फेरि हेलिकप्टर ल्याएकै भरमा भोट मागेका रे। कति रमाइलो। अर्को एकजना फेरि रात्रि क्लबमा भेटिएछन्, गीत पनि उस्तै बजेछ त्यहाँ; मनोरञ्जन हो कि भोट माग्ने शैली? खै। अर्का छन् आफ्नै क्षेत्र छाडेर अन्यत्रबाट उठेका, डर भनूँ या हिम्मत। किसिम किसिम देख्न पाइएछ। सायद, बालेनले पछारेकाहरू स्वतन्त्रको नामले झस्किएर पो हो कि। मलाई त यो महासङ्ग्राम महिना कहिल्यै नगइदिए नि हुन्थ्यो जस्तो लाग्छ। बेरोजगारहरूले भत्ता र पेट्रोल पाएकै छन्, गरिबले एकदिन भए पनि मिठो खाने आश छ, क्षणिक भएपनि खुशीको अर्थ जान्न पाउने छन्, घरपरिवार,इष्टमित्र सबजनाको भेटघाट पनि भइरहेकै छ। तर जानु पनि ठिकै हो, बित्थामा देशको ढूकुटीको सत्यनाश मात्र।
विरक्त लागेको मौसममा महासङ्ग्राम महिनाले उल्लास छाइरहेको छ। यहीँ उल्लासमै रम्दा बिर्सिसकेको रहेछु मैले त, गाँउलाई नै लत्याएर डाँडाघरे काकाको आँगनबाटै बाटो खनिएको; त्यही बाटो मुनिबाट गएको पहिरोले गाँउ नै सखाप पारेको।ए, काका हैन कार्यकर्ता पो। बिर्सिसकेको रहेछु खोलैै बिना पुल बनेको। बिर्सिसकेको रहेछु सहिदका सपना अनि सिमाका मर्महरू। हुन त यि दु:खहरू त बिर्सेकै राम्रो, यिसँगै भष्ट्राचार र चलखेलहरू पनि। सम्झन खोज्दै थिएँ राम्रा कार्य, मैनसँगै हराएको लोडसेडिङ्ग, चुच्चे नक्सामा उभिएका स्वाभिमानता, केही राष्ट्रिय परियोजनाको सुरूवात ; थाहा छैन त्यसको अन्त्य कहिले हुने हो? यी बाहेक खासै सम्झिनै सकिन। अनि फेरि मेरो मनको अँध्यारो झनै कालो हुदैँ गयो। यहीँ कालो मनले उम्मेदवारको गाडीलाई उनकै प्रतिस्पर्धीका कार्यकर्ताले फुटालेको देख्यो; लोकतन्त्रको खोल ओडेर त्यसलाई नै प्वाल पारिरहेछन् ब्वाँसाहरूले। इस्पिकर को आवाजले सहरलाई नै थर्काएछ; बिना स्पष्टिकरण नै प्रचारप्रसार बन्द गर्न लगाइएछ, गुहार माग्दै थिए। के हुदैँ छ खै? मैले जानेको त जित स्वच्छ र हार गर्वका साथ हुनुपर्ने हो; तर मैले केहीँ नि बुझिन; सायद महासङ्ग्राम महिना भएर होला।
अघि मैले मेलाको कुरा गरेँ, वास्तवमै यो महिनामा मेला हुन्छ; विचारको मेला; मतको मेला; सुख रोज्ने मेला। र यो मेला कान्छा दाइ र रामे सकेसम्म तिमीहरू पनि नछुटाऊ। नछुटाउनु कसैले पनि, ५ घण्टा लगाएर एकदिन हिँड्दैमा ५ जुनि फेरिन्छ भने, टुइनबाट गएर भोट हाल्दैमा पुल बन्छ भने, हेलिकप्टर लिएर मत माग्न आएका बिरामी लिन आँउछन् भने, विकास त छोडौँ केवल गाँस, बास, कपास, शिक्षा र स्वास्थको मात्र सुनिश्चितता हुन्छ भने, छाउपडीको अँध्यारो र चिसोपनले राजधानीको न्यानोपन र घाम भेट्छ भने, किन छुटाउने? जाऊ, नडराऊ, दिमाख लगाऊ, भोट देऊ, हाम्रालाई हैन राम्रालाई। बिर्सिदेऊ हिजो राति पिएका चुस्की, दाँतमा अड्केका चाम्रा छाला अनि खल्तीमा भएको हात्ती; बिर्सिदेऊ ति अनुहारहरू जसका कारण तिम्रा राम्रा अनुहारमा आँशु बगेको थियो; बिर्सिदेऊ ति मिथ्या भाषणहरू जसमा तिमी क्षणिक खुशी भेटिरहेका थियौँ; बिर्सिदेऊ स्वीजरल्याण्ड बनाउने सपना। केवल सम्झिदेऊ भर्खरै जन्मेको तिम्रो छोरा राम्रो बाटो हुदैँ राम्रो विद्धालय गएको; सम्झिदेऊ आफ्नै घरमा पानी झर्दा खोला जान नपर्ने भन्दै तिम्री छोरी रमाएको; सम्झिदेऊ बिरामी पर्दा घरसम्मै आमालाई लिन एम्बुलेन्स आएको। यी कुरा सम्झेर, बुझेर मात्र भोट हाल्नु है, रामे र कान्छा दाइ। यति गर्दियौ भने यो महासङ्ग्राम महिनाको जित हुनेछ। नत्र भने म जस्तैका मनमा छाएको अँध्यारोलाई सन्नटाले छोप्नेछ।दुई चार वर्ष त बिरामी नेपाल आमासँगै बस्नेछु तर अन्त्यमा भने विदेश नै भासिनेछु; महासङ्ग्राम महिनालाई सराप्दै।
तर म विदेश जादाँसम्म एउटा कुरा भने भइदियोस्: फ्रि भिसा, फ्रि टिकट।
Beneath a white canopy at a building compound on the bank of the Bagmati lay a man of 75, his body decorated with flowers, and garlands – with people flocking around, some in a line waiting to offer flowers and pay the last regards, some gathered around in their circles making a reunion with their friends, a horde incoming and a horde outgoing. The compound in Sanepa was busy with people struggling to park their vehicles afar, and the police cleared the roads so that the people in the red-blue plate land cruisers didn’t have to struggle with theirs. A lot of people there, like me, were drawn in by their admiration for a man; to mourn his death, and celebrate his life. The man was Pradeep Giri.
My admiration towards Pradeep Giri ignited during the lockdown when I came across his discourse on the epic Mahabharata, particularly because of my interest in the epic after binge-watching the Mahabharata TV Series on youtube. Not only was the analysis so profound, but Giri’s storytelling generated great interest in me. It had humor, it had simplicity and the tone had charm. That interest continued, and I started following the man, watching his interviews, talks, and parliamentary speeches.
Giri was a politician, political thinker, writer, and a lot of other things. But if there’s one word I would describe the man, it would be as a storyteller. He had a lot of things to tell. He had seen Nepali society and politics from up close. He was a voracious reader, particularly of literature, politics, and philosophy to name a few. He had gifted oratory skills. He was a profound thinker, an analyst, and a commentator. These aptitudes made him an excellent storyteller, who told stories of the people, to the people for the people – both rulers and the ruled.
Whenever you saw him speak – at the parliament, at an interview, at literature festivals, and on talk shows – you wouldn’t take much time to realize the richness of his knowledge and understanding. He would draw parallels and analogies from the Hindu scriptures, from instances in world history, classics, and contemporary literature, and from his own experience- to explain people and situations of the present. With natural sweetness in his tone, he brought up relevant Sanskrit Shlokas, Hindi Shayari, lines from Urdu poems, and English quotes to the Nepali discourse he gave. Needless to say, he also had a great command in Maithili which was the native language of his dear hometown, where he mostly lived in his Ashram. His intellect, complemented by his natural oratory skills made him one of the rare public intellectuals you would want to listen to, not just in the political sphere but in Nepal overall.
His simplicity in lifestyle and his love for rural life, close to the trees and nature made me admire him even more. He said on a talk show that he loved planting trees and how good he felt thinking about how the tree he planted grows and lives past generations with its ever-benevolent nature.
At parliament, he brought historical and literary contexts and drew connections to explain his arguments. He had poems, Shayaris, idioms, and quotes at his disposal. From bringing the story of Chamberlain and Churchill of World War in condemning the government’s inaction during Covid-19, to reminding the house of BP Koirala’s ideas on people-centered development – he held the mic. He brought the stories of Hamilton and Jefferson, Nehru, and Indira Gandhi, and explained how crucial the role of leaders is in shaping the nation during its initial years. Like the grandchildren gathered around to listen to interesting stories from their grandfather, the house would listen – folk stories, stories from his past – which were largely connected to the past of Nepali politics, stories from fiction, stories from the legends, and scriptures.
He wouldn’t get the best marks at attendance in parliamentary meetings, but he never came unprepared when important matters were in context, like the Covid-19 pandemic, MCC, the border dispute, and budgetary sessions to name a few. Words were his weapons. Yet, they were never harsh. There was a sense of responsibility in his words. Rather than blatant criticism, his words felt like advice. Contrary to the opposition speeches that were usually just derogatory rhetorics targeted at the government- Giri stood apart offering constructive criticism, with rhetoric so powerful, it left a pin drop silence in the hall – yet offended none.
He was a politician of course, but a large part of his identity was as a political thinker. Despite being a member of the Nepali Congress party, he had a strong inclination towards Marx and communism. He was also influenced by Gandhi and Indian socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia. While in Banaras, a place renowned for sheltering Nepali political refugees, Giri was influential not only among the Nepali diaspora but also among the Indian youth socialists. He was a strong supporter of BP Koirala’s ideas on socialism and an alternative model of development and was vocal against policies prioritizing urban over rural development. His stand on republicanism, inclusive socialism and Maoist Conflict resolution was significant in the transitional years.
Pradeep Giri was a rebel in his own right. He refused to sign the constitution of Nepal- 2072 as a sign of protest because he did not feel that it addressed the concerns surrounding the Madhesi people and he felt it was rushed. He expressed concerns to youth leaders of his party that there hasn’t been enough effort in challenging the party leadership, and that there should be more protests against the wrongdoings in the party. He gave discourses on Marxist ideology at the invitation of communist parties despite being a member of a party where anti-communist rhetorics are widely practiced when agendas don’t suffice at elections.
Giri, despite being a member of parliament from time to time, and having close ties to the likes of the then Prime Minister Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, never had an ambition for any powerful executive office. When offered by Bhattarai to be the spokesperson of his cabinet, Giri politely refused stating “ I don’t have a proper sleep schedule. Sometimes when I read a book at night, I don’t even stop until it’s dawn already. So, I am not capable of the job.”
Giri, an anarchist by nature, thought holding an executive post would deter his freedom. Despite being born into a wealthy political family, Giri was untouched by the lust for luxury and power. He preferred being in an advisory role – the ideological part of politics. He wanted the youths to lead but strongly believed that the youths needed to adhere to a guiding principle and an ideology. He preferred being Chanakya to a Chandragupta Maurya, in his own words.
At a time when the politics of ethics seems to be at its deathbed; when principles don’t drive a party and a leader anymore; when the politics of divide is on the rise; when power and wealth are the only motivation, the absence of a man like Pradeep Giri will create a void that cannot be filled so easily. Adieu to the man who had at hand the sword of power but never fancied wielding it, still chose to stay among the wielders teaching lessons; to the man who held words and stories as his power; to the man- Pradeep Giri.
For a country that presents itself as the vanguard of liberty, America with its retrogressive bylaws serves an irony. Even with its herculean economy and militant omnipresence or maybe due to it, America finds it hard to stay afloat in a pool of progressive nations. In the past few months, the following have presented themselves as some of the major problems dragging America:
Legality of Abortion
On June 24, 2022, SCOTUS overturned the 50-year-old Roe v. Wade act that guaranteed women’s right to abortion, by a ruling of 5-4. Upheld by a 6-3 conservative majority, with Chief Justice John Roberts expressing that he would not have removed the Roe precedent altogether, abortion laws and their implementation have now been passed down to individual states.
Immediately after the decision, 13 states activated the trigger laws, banning or scheduling to ban abortions. While some states haven’t finalized the decision, a total of 26 states seem likely to ban it. After the announcement, Americans got polarized into groups of “pro-choice”, people protesting SCOTUS’ decision, and “pro-life”, people celebrating it.
P.C. Gayatri Malhotra
Fetal viability, a fetus’ ability to survive outside the womb, is seen as the point where the rights of an unborn fetus are separated from its mother. Roe considered this time to be around 28 weeks. While new studies decrease the time frame to 22 weeks, some states such as Texas plan on limiting abortion’s legal time frame to just 6 weeks. Other conservative Republican states such as Louisiana and Kentucky have already considered abortion to be illegal throughout the term of pregnancy.
The consequence of overturning Roe v Wade became visible just three days after the decision as a 10-year-old rape victim had to travel to Indiana from Ohio for abortion procedures. She was six-and-a-half weeks pregnant at the time. Although there are exceptions for rape and incest victims to seek abortion legally even after the six-week time limit, the added procedures of police reports and lack of proper knowledge add complexity to the situation.
P.C. Gayatri Malhotra
Mass Shootings
The scale of mass shootings is much larger than what the media portrays it to be in the United States. In the first half of 2022 alone there have been more than 250 mass shootings in the US. It’s only when the shootings get unavoidably macabre, the most recent being the Texas school mass shooting, that news agencies, and the general public raise their voices against them. Unregulated gun protocols and the ensuing ease of access let enraged and unstable people eject their rampage on innocent lives.
P.C . Natalie Chaney
Immigration
Despite stringent regulations imposed, immigration still deems itself as one of the most demanding problems in America. A tractor-trailer carrying immigrants illegally from Mexico met a devastating mishap as 53 people parched into a sweltering death on 27th June 2022. Four people with charges of alleged smuggling have been arrested. Neither Trump’s wall nor Biden’s open border policies have been able to encompass the demanding problem of immigration. Rather than stopping immigrants, the Trump wall has become a source of accidents as more than 200 immigrants have gotten injured from jumping off the wall in 2021-2022. Although Biden immediately stopped the construction of Trump’s wall altogether, he still hasn’t found a viable solution. The number of immigrants trying to cross illegally to America is more than 100,000 a month. Presenting and imposing radically opposite decisions by Democrats and Republicans, immigration is one of the most polarizing topics in America.
P.C. Mitchel Lensink
Conclusion
While the majority of Americans seem to prefer stricter gun laws and legal abortion, the discrepancy seems to stem from a conservative group of people in policy-making positions (Congress, SCOTUS) adamant at their decisions. Background checks on guns and medically relevant time frames for legal abortion should be set. The solution to immigration isn’t a simple one in that it shall require efforts from its neighboring countries, mostly Mexico and Central American countries. Although a sudden bipartisan agreement on immigration seems unlikely, each side must budge a little towards an optimal regulation.
